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WHAT THE RAIN TOLD ME - By Pat Obilor

Pat Obilor Founder&Publisher, Mogulettes Africa.September 30, 2016 •
Few hours ago, I decided to quickly dash to the local Mall in my street to get some groceries and then on my way out, a torrential rainfall began and I was angry. I love water but I am very finicky. I wouldn’t step on a rug or go near the toilet when my feet or body is wet so I would always pray never to be caught up in the rain but tonight, was an exception. I decided to romance the tide by stepping in the rain and besides, I couldn’t wait to resume Jason Statham’s the Mechanic which I paused before leaving my room. In the rain, I didn’t run or try to cover my hair, I just walked enjoying the pleasure of being washed down, and then I remembered that my country Nigeria will be 56 tomorrow and I imagined what is going on in the minds of her beautiful people… My friend, I know you have mixed feelings now, maybe indifferent or angry because she has pushed you to the wall. They ask you to pay for tax which you aren’t sure it’s helping you; it brought foreign exchange policies that doesn’t seem to be working with the economy even at the parallel market. It deprives you of your amenities and you spend overtly extra for the things you ought to enjoy. It can’t even produce your girls or provide jobs for your graduates, it sends your men to war with little or no ammunition and some die, what more? Your road is a dead trap and you feel totally insecure with the health care system. Now you are so worried because the government seems to be working at snail speed. I know If Nigeria was a guy, you’d probably want to squeeze his b**ls and if she were a lady, you might be tempted to pull her hair till it hurts, I am Nigeria, I understand and I am sorry. Nigeria’s Timi Dakolo said: “we are all we’ve got and we need to defend our land”, we need to keep loving, believing, protecting and working on it, even stop calling names or expressing disgust for the things that has failed you. It’s like a family, we get so mad at each other to the point of ranting but somehow, we make up again. It’s a miracle and that is how we are as one Nigerian family. We are a threefold nation but yet, there is unity and strength in our diversities. You are Nigeria and the glory of this nation rest on your shoulders, if you give up or bring down yourself, who will lift you up? This country has not answered all your questions for many years but we cannot turn our backs on a crying child because she refused to speak! Please reignite your hopes and celebrate your little victories but note this, If one day you can’t take it anymore and you need this child to speak, or you need a revolution to right every wrong and produce leaders who would do exactly what they pledge in their manifestos, if one day you decide to be the change that you seek… the change that reminds us of the glory of our men, that extols the virtues of our women, the change that protects our girls, the change that breeds and nurture young leaders for the future and makes every amenities for humanity present in this nation… my name is Pat Obilor, please call me. #HappyIndependencedayNigeria #Goodpeoplegreatnation #PatInspiresSeries Written by Pat Obilor Founder&Publisher, Mogulettes Africa.
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UNTOLD STORY OF A LEADER. Adapter from an interview published in Asiwaju, A special publication of THENEWS.

Tinubu: My struggles through life
Mar 29 2016 - 3:52pm

Q: We decided to support Dapo Sarumi.

A: Gradually, I moved from raising funds to getting involved. I brought some money to Nigeria out of my dividends. I was comfortable because my investments in America and London were already yielding dividends. Then came the crisis leading to the ban of Professor Femi Agbalajobi and Chief Dapo Sarumi. I threw my weight behind Yomi Edu. He lost the election and our group was devastated. I went to Ahmadu Abubakar and IBB. I wrote a report and I was strongly against the Structural Adjustment Programme introduced by the military government. The idea of the new generation banks came from those reports. Abubakar, from being a permanent secretary, became Minister of Finance.

IBB saw the significance of the advice as well as the short, medium and long term vision that were in the report. That man was great. He was a good listener. You could think with him. He is still alive. This probe of NNPC dates back to those periods. You can give the NNPC a bank draft for 120 days and you will still be using that money!

They started touting the idea that intelligent, brilliant and dynamic people like me should be in the Senate and must change Nigeria. The idea gradually started coming into my head. People like Kola Oseni, Alhaji Hamzat, Busurat Alebiosu, Demola Adeniji-Adele, Prince Olusi, who were members of the Primrose Group at that time, started persuading me to go to the Senate. The Primrose Group was piling so much pressure on Alhaji Kola Oseni to persuade me.

The MD of Mobil, Bob Parker, thought I was crazy when I told him I wanted to join politics. I also told the Finance Director, Akinyelure, that I wanted to join politics and use my brain for my country and that I couldn’t continue to be an armchair critic. The two of them could not believe what I said. They said, given my career path in Mobil, if there was any chance of anybody becoming something there, then I would be the one. I stood my ground and said I would give it a try.

I told them that people do it in America and Bob Parker agreed. They said they would give me a leave of absence for four years, during which they would not fill my position. They later said that they would not stop me because it would rub off positively on them if I became successful in politics. They told me to come back and take my position if I found it uninteresting and unchallenging. So I contested the Lagos West Senatorial district election.

Q: Why not Lagos Central?

A: Lagos West was where our weakness was apparent. The political leaders in the Social Democratic Party just assigned Lagos West, which was the most challenging district, to me and said I had the money, personality and the wherewithal. Lagos Central was preparing for me and they wanted me.

In our group, we wanted to help Wahab Dosunmu to stay in Central, so I went to the West. It was a big battle, but I won the nomination for Lagos West. Wahab Dosunmu got nomination for Lagos Central, but they got him disqualified. The battle was then left to Shitta-Bey, Towry-Coker and Bucknor-Akerele. Whatever happened in the primaries is history. It was a crude primary election, but a most transparent one. That was how I got into politics, which nonetheless was an adventure for me.

Q: What role did you play in the emergence of Michael Otedola of NRC?

A: I didn’t play any role. I was politically naïve, though a strategist in my own right. Those at the forefront weren’t paying attention and there were a lot of intrigues, which I had never seen before. We could have been flexible and compromised when Sarumi and the late Femi Agbalajobi were disqualified, leaving Yomi Edu. There were two groups then. Baba Kekere (Alhaji Lateef Jakande) would call them “ase”. I recommended that we should have given them the deputy governorship slot. Democracy is about conflict and conflict resolution. Otedola would not have emerged if each side had yielded. We found out later that some people who didn’t mean well didn’t want Yomi Edu to get there. If they wanted, they would have allowed flexibility and compromise.

The late Prince Adeniyi tried so hard to resolve the impasse up till the night before the election. The impasse was unresolved and the party ended up giving Otedola a chance. I learnt a lot from that experience.

Q: What role did you play in the presidential election of MKO Abiola?

A: We worked hard for Yar’Adua. The SDP platform and the Yar’Adua machine were a phenomenon at that particular time. We had won the majority in the National Assembly. I wanted to become the Senate President because we secured all the seats in the West and we had 15 senators and Alhaji Kashim Ibrahim, a brilliant politician, mobilised some of the senators in the North; Chuba Okadigbo in the East and Albert Legogie in the so-called South-South. Iyorchia Ayu of the Middle-Belt was very active at that particular time. We had good leaders. Olu Falae was in contention, Biyi Durojaiye also. We had Olusegun Osoba and the rest of them as governors then. We didn’t pay attention to Lagos and didn’t miss anything. We were not looking at any governor to be politically involved. I was just running my vision. I put my talents into being a strategist and I had got the endorsement of 38 out of the 56 senators belonging to the SDP to become the Senate President. So when the leadership caucus of the party met, the problem of the late Yar’Adua and others had crystallised.

It was then believed that Falae or anyone else among the presidential contenders would be the party’s flag bearer after the disqualification of Yar’Adua. They banned the old politicians and asked that the new breed should come forward. Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye and others were clamouring that the opportunity should be given to the West. Yar’Adua was very consistent about the South-West and the North-West working together. I was confronted in Abuja, because I was already prepared to be the Senate President. I had 15 senators with me and had gotten the endorsement of the majority of other senators. Senators Kanti Bello (he was my partner in the struggle), Kazaure, Kashim Ibrahim, Lawan Buba, Mogaji Abdullahi and a host of others had already formed a caucus that would work for my emergence as the Senate President. When we met at the leadership level, the late M.S Buhari asked us if we could honestly say that we must take the senate presidency? Okadigbo might be interested and would rather have the East produce the Senate President; the North, the Vice-President; and the presidency in the South-West because they had blocked Yar’Adua.

My position was that a bird in hand cannot fly away; you have to tie it properly. As if it was a prediction that I had seen, that thing was a banner headline on The Punch’s front page at that time. I was adamant. Falae, Durojaiye and the rest of them came to me and said that the leadership of South-West would want the presidency and we could not take the two positions. We had to make a sacrifice. My position was then that if your child would go to the class and come first among 30 students, to whom do you give the best prize in the house?

At the stage, I said I wanted to become Senate President, they said I should review my ambition. I made them realise that out of our 15 senators, the North-Central contributed 12 senators, so I said there must be a reward system for the support and loyalty. I told them that if I were to give up the ambition, the position must go to the zone that contributed the highest number of senators to my support base.

Ayu was among the 38. Meanwhile, A.T Ahmed was on the other side. We had internal caucuses and out of 56, 38 of us bonded together. A.T Ahmed and Okadigbo wanted to be senate president. But it was being rumoured in the newspapers that Babangida wanted to remain in power and that Bola Tinubu – because of IBB’s closeness to our family – would be one of those that would be used for IBB to stay. They didn’t know what I stood for. I was laughing. We were saying the military must exit and we were angry because Yar’Adua had been disqualified. We didn’t even want IBB to stay.

While that was on, Abiola came onto the scene and showed interest in the presidency. Suddenly, I found him in my hotel room with Jubril Martins-Kuye. I realised he was an accountant like myself and I told him he had been severally abused for being anti-Awolowo. He said no, and that he would go to Ikenne. I told him that he should forget it if he was anti-Awolowo. When you talked to MKO about the country, you saw his vision and everything. If you were well educated and serious about the country, you would be convinced that he meant well. If you were to do an analysis about who was likely to be less corrupt and whose vision would be consistent for the nation, then you would agree with MKO. We made Ayu the Senate President. Yar’Adua and Atiku got along with us on the choice of Ayu, while Kingibe was very flexible on it. We warned them that we would concede it to the NRC if they refused to let us choose our candidate since they would not be there with us. That was how Ayu won and I became one of the most powerful and influential senators. I was the chairman of the Appropriation, Finance, Banking and two other committees in the Senate.

We started working for MKO to emerge the candidate and we worked hard for him. My corporate experience and the strategic planning I had was brought to bear on what I was doing at the time.

Q: Babangida wanted to use the Senate to stay. How did the Senate respond to that?

A: Ayu, myself and some others knew what the military was up to. The military is politically smart. Don’t underestimate any military officer when it comes to gathering information on any activity. We got wind of their plan and we took a very strong position that the military had to hand over. Equally, the pressure from the media against the continued stay of the military in power was strong. The wind of change was blowing in the direction of a civilian government. Bagangida made several promises and even declared in a broadcast that the military would disengage from politics in August 1993 and would hand over to a democratically elected president.

So, we strategised and organised a successful joint session of the National Assembly to reach a resolution against military stay. It was very auspicious at the time, because no president had emerged. The NRC and the SDP agreed that they wanted the military to go and, with no apparent successor, the political situation was fluid. In a motion moved by a House of Representatives member and supported by a senator, at the joint session of the National Assembly, it was resolved that the military must hand over to a democratically elected civilian president by August.

The Senate President allowed robust contributions from members at the session, which was devoid of party sentiments and affiliations, and we all jointly agreed to the resolution. That was in 1992, before the presidential election in 1993. Both SDP and NRC were expecting victory. We just wanted a civilian government in place. The resolution was seriously binding because the Babangida administration would have no moral authority to stay, though there were talks about diarchy. It just had to go. So when eventually they brought no-go areas and restricted legislators from discussing certain issues, we went to court. We were determined that democracy must be instituted in the country and that it could not be headed by any military man.

To be honest with you, Ayu was a good leader. I believe I was the only person with computer literacy and I had a big Toshiba laptop and I was churning out all sort of media releases against the continuation of military administration. It was a challenging period for this country and the international community held on to that resolution.

Q: Babangida came to address a joint session of the National Assembly. Was that resolution passed before or after that?

A: Babangida addressed us during the inauguration, where I spoke on behalf of the SDP. I frontally told him that he should not miss the opportunity to leave the legacy of handing over to a democratically elected government. My speech resonated with Babangida and after we finished the inauguration, he walked up to me and gave me a firm handshake. He said I exhibited courage; we had a chat and he left. I did not know what he said after that o! After that incident, I became a persona non grata to the military administration.

We worked hard for the emergence of Abiola. Though there were lot of intrigues, we succeeded in seeing that he emerged as the candidate. I went to 22 states to campaign and the campaigns were very interesting. The election came and we were all celebrating because the election was free and fair. The electoral system was amended and the chairman of the electoral commission, Humphrey Nwosu, was very careful and sincere because of the method employed. The Option A4 was effective. So was the Open Secret Ballot System. It was well monitored. Voters were accredited, allowed to vote and votes counted right on the spot. There was no room for manipulation and the number of ballot papers could not be greater than the number of registered voters and vice versa. It could be lower because some people could get accredited and not vote. Everybody would vote at the same time. It was the Open Secret ballot system. The two-party system would have been the greatest legacy left behind by IBB. We had that election and Abiola won.

Q: Where were you when it was announced that the election had been annulled?

I was with Chief MKO Abiola. A few nights before then, we, including Professor Borisade, were collating the results of the election across the country. Suddenly the crisis started and they stopped the collation. We were waiting for result from Taraba State to make the final run. We had gotten figures from all states, but they banned the announcement until they got to Abuja. Suddenly they stopped. Crisis started. We all did what we were to do. Abiola was using his connections. Then we started hearing that there might be a possibility of a cancellation of the election. The political parties had been divided, with the NRC fearing its loss in the election and starting to talk from both sides of its mouth.

Suddenly, General Yar’Adua’s father passed on. I was in Abuja when MKO called in the dead of the night to say that he was sending an aircraft to Abuja and that he had made moves to ensure that the Abuja and Katsina airports operated at that late hour for the purpose of conveying people. He directed that I went with Shehu Yar’Adua to Katsina to represent him and that he would join us the following morning.

He said he needed to talk to the governors and wanted them to accompany him to Katsina for the burial. We spent the night before the burial in Katsina because Shehu wanted to be with his mother.

We were in Shehu Yar’Adua’s compound when General Babangida arrived; he was still the president. Immediately he came, they had to bury the dead. Abiola had not arrived. He was blocked because the airspace had been closed for Babangida’s flight to Katsina. All I knew was that Shehu and Babangida went inside the house for some time. We thought what was going on inside was the military president condoling with the family, that all of them were praying for the mum.

They emerged eventually and IBB immediately left for Abuja. After he arrived Abuja, the air space was opened and Abiola could fly in a chartered Okada Airlines aircraft, alongside other people who came with him to Katsina. We were full of anxiety. Abiola met us in Katsina and after the visit to the family, the emirs and other key indigenes of the place, we all returned to Lagos. Then we heard the announcement annulling the election.

I was in the panel van of National Concord newspapers because my car was in Abuja. I did not know I was returning to Lagos. Some of my vehicles were in Lagos, but nobody knew that I was in town. We went straight to Abiola’s house and we were locked out because there was chaos in front his gate. What followed was the biggest crisis I have ever been confronted with in my life.

Q: Did IBB explain to you personally, given your closeness to him?

A: No. In fact, at that time, the military had declared me persona non grata! Everybody, except me, got up when he arrived at Yar’Adua’s compound. He touched my head and said ‘you’! I know Mogaji Abdullai walked after him and said: ‘Senator Tinubu, will you not see off the President?’ I did not stand up. I said he was not my president! I did not know about the annulment then. That was how the crisis started.

Q: You spoke about the greatest crisis after the annulment…

A: After the annulment, everything became hot. The crisis began to offer the possibility of an interim administration coming into place. Prior to that, they started the idea that should there be a constitutional crisis, it would be Ayu that would head the interim government. I wasn’t sure if Ayu would start a debate on that or reject it outright.

But I told him: ‘Don’t ever think it would be you.’ Eventually, he agreed. There was suspicion in the public space that he and Shehu Yar’Adua had consented to the annulment. The suspicion pervaded the party. The public was fed all sorts of information. I knew that I approached Ayu that there was no way they would have made him the interim head of government. We knew for sure that Yar’Adua was angry because Atiku Abubakar was not made Abiola’s running mate. It became clear to Ayu that there was deception.

Shonekan was eventually announced as the Head of the Interim National Government. We also learnt that the military had promised Shehu Yar’Adua that they would unban the old politicians and that he would have the opportunity to run six months after Shonekan. They were also touting Obasanjo’s name, but suddenly Shonekan’s name was announced. I remember that I went to Ayu and he said he had been invited and I said: ‘Didn’t I tell you that they would not make you the interim head of government?’ I advised him that the best thing was to challenge them. We were in his house playing and I told Yar’Adua that there was no way the military would make him anything. I advised him that he would have built a great structure to succeed Abiola after his four-year term, and that he would only be 54 years then. I pleaded with Yar’Adua not to abandon the ship. I took my mother, Alhaja Abibat Mogaji, to Abuja to appeal to IBB and there is a picture where she removed her head-tie, using her grey hair to plead with IBB to restore Abiola’s mandate.

It was on the front cover of Newswatch. I mobilised them to go and appeal to IBB. On the day Shonekan was to be sworn in, I was in Ayu’s house to pin him down, so as to prevent him from attending the ceremony. They left the chair reserved for him for a while, before inviting Joseph Wayas to sit. They claimed he was Senate President, whether past or present.

There was a disagreement within our group. They offered me a ministerial position, which I rejected. They offered Sarumi a ministerial position and he said he would accept. We were in the hotel room on the day he said so. He is still alive to confirm or deny what I have said. I begged him and told him point-blank that it would be the end of our relationship because we should not betray the cause we started. I told him I gave up the senate presidency for Abiola to contest as president. I told him that was not acceptable and I begged Yar’Adua, too. I fell out with Shehu on the matter and I told them that none of us could predict the end of the game. I pleaded with him to be consistent and stand firm. He said I had no guns and tanks and that I was incapable of facing the military.

The floor of the Senate was very hot. There was a sharp division in the National Assembly. Thereafter, Ayu was removed as Senate President; I was almost killed. There was a plan to assassinate me, but luckily, Akintola Benson and my late driver, Mustapha, walked into a discussion where the plot was being hatched to terminate my life. That was unknown to the people planning the assassination. I was to be taken out of the hotel. The assistant head of security at the hotel brought a chef uniform to dress me up as a chef, while he asked a driver to wait for me. I escaped and headed for Lagos in the chef uniform.

Abiola travelled to the United Kingdom to start the campaign for the de-annulment of the election and restoration of his mandate and Kingibe was there as deputy to continue to coordinate the rest of us at home. I had a choice to go back to my job, because I was on a leave of absence. People advised me to abandon the struggle because of the risk involved. They advised me to go back to my work.

Q: When were you arrested?

A: I said we would continue to struggle until we had democracy. We had a group of 30 senators called the G-30. The G-30 was determined to actualise the mandate on the floor of the Senate. Suddenly, Abacha came and General Oladipupo Diya and Babagana Kingibe were also running around. Diya was one of the most respected and credible military officers then, and he later approached us that there might be change in government. Abiola was around. General Chris Alli met us and said there would be a change of government, which would be in favour of June 12, because they were tired of the shenanigans of the ING. That night, Abacha changed the government. He outsmarted everybody. They met with me, Dele Alake, Segun Babatope and Doyin Abiola. We were asked to write the terms and conditions, which they would broadcast after a change of government. We wrote it and gave it to Diya. They are all alive.

On the night the government was to be changed, Abacha outsmarted everyone and installed himself. These people I mentioned are all alive to testify to what I have said. I can say categorically that I was even called to leave my office because, as they claimed, that night was a dangerous night for them and that everyone’s life might be in danger. Abiola was told not sleep at home until the broadcast had been made. We were all fooled! Big time deception.

When we heard the broadcast the next day, there was no mention of June 12 and no proclamation of Abiola. I was mad, but was still determined. I rushed to Diya and he was still saying that there was no problem and that they were planning to announce the cabinet containing eminent June 12 people. Abiola said what? I said no, announce Abiola’s victory.

Diya told me that I didn’t know the military and that things were not done like that in the military. But I insisted that it was deception. I said I know the military. I called Okadigbo to my office in Lagos and I put the plan before him that we had to confront the military and we had to declare Abacha himself illegal. I got members of our group together; we wrote the script declaring Abacha’s government illegal. Since we could not get to the National Assembly, we opted to hold our session at the Tafawa Balewa Square. We had gotten Dele Alake to be the media coordinator. We told him to get the CNN and other foreign media ready. I put the coat of arms on a rod! That was the mace. We created our own mace.

We reconvened the Senate here in Lagos and declared Abacha illegal before the international media and others. My colleagues had scattered. After we assembled, and having drafted the resolution, they still didn’t know where we would hold the session. I told them to relax, this is Lagos. After the broadcast, everybody took off, because the SSS and other security agents were combing everywhere for us. I went underground, using the 090 mobile phone. I was still granting press interviews to foreign media. The military people were mad. I became a thorn in their flesh and they arrested some of my colleagues, including Abu Ibrahim, the late Polycarp Nwite, Ameh Ebute and Okoroafor. I was still underground, holding press conferences. The military declared me wanted.

Suddenly they granted bail to the arrested senators. I thought I would be a beneficiary, but I was not. Then, there was a manhunt for me by the police and the SSS. Meanwhile, my late uncle, K.O Tinubu and the present Oba of Lagos, Oba Akiolu, who was then a police officer, were pressuring me to disclose where I was. My uncle called to ask where exactly I was. I did not disclose my whereabouts. I told Akiolu that even though he is my relative, I would still not tell him where I was since he was a police officer! He said: ‘Ha!’

My uncle advised that the military would kill me if they found me underground and no one would be able to locate my whereabouts. He said it was better I surrendered myself because he wanted me to be alive. I told him that I would call him back, that I was to hold a press conference at the time. And he shouted in amazement: ‘You are holding press conference when your life is in danger.’ I told him I would surrender, but would not tell him when.

I disguised perfectly, dressed like a malam, and went to the police at Alagbon. The officers didn’t even know me when they saw me. I went in, deposited my phone and my charger. Senator Abu Ibrahim was with us. The officers were wondering why I, a Mallam, could not speak Hausa! I removed my turban, showed up at the front desk and declared that I had come to surrender. And there was pandemonium among the officers, as to how I got there.
The AIG then was very nice and they put me in the cell. They poured water into the cell room and said, ‘sleep there’. That was the nastiest experience I had within first 48 hours that I was there. It was on a weekend. I told them I would embark on a hunger strike. The late Anthony Enahoro was on the stairway and Beko Ransome-Kuti was at another angle on the stairway. They brought me out repeatedly for interrogation. They asked me to renounce but I said no, I would not recognise Abacha. They took me and my colleagues to court. People who were supposed to meet their bail conditions were stopped from doing so immediately they saw me. They cancelled everybody’s bail because they could not isolate me.

They gave an order that we should be taken out of court, but kept in the police custody at Alagbon. They kept about eight of us in a photocopying room, an eight-by-eight room. We were sleeping across one another. It was a matter of the first to sleep would maintain the position. If your head was this way, your leg would be there and so on. It was a nasty experience.

There were a lot of interrogations, with a lot of carrot and stick. I can never forget the role and determination and sincerity of a compatriot at that particular time. They made an exception to uphold the earlier bail granted to Senator Abu Ibrahim. He was asked to go. He was the only Hausa-Fulani man with us. The late Hassan Katsina had intervened. But Senator Ibrahim said he would rather stay, except every one of us was granted the same bail conditions. He said he would not leave his colleagues behind.

He is a courageous and a detribalised Nigerian, who had a vision of what Nigeria should be. He refused to accept an isolated bail. They started sending emissaries to us in detention, offering us all sorts of appointments and opportunities to renounce our positions, but we refused. The judiciary was still very courageous then. We went to the Court of Appeal. An incident occurred at the lower court. Market women turned out hugely to support us when we were brought to the court. The day they refused my bail, some of the market women appeared naked and so they stopped taking us to the court. The court sessions were usually interesting for us because of the scenes. At Alagbon, we bathed in the open between 4 and 5 a.m.

The condition started improving when they began to bring officials of the failed banks. Those ones contributed money to repair the generating set at Alagbon and we started enjoying electricity a little longer than we used to. It was during the time that the protest became intense. Nigeria was playing at the World Cup then. Italy defeated Nigeria and the security people lied to us that it was otherwise. Eventually, the Court of Appeal courageously granted us bail in enforcement of our fundamental human rights. Our passports were confiscated and deposited with the court. Later, the High Court ruled that our passports be released to us. That night, they finally announced our bail and conditions attached to it. The presiding judge then is today the Emir of Ilorin, Sulu Gambari. We heard that they put so much pressure on him (Clement Akpamgbo was the Attorney-General) not to release us, but he ordered our release. They were going to re-arrest me and I suddenly went underground to continue my protest.

They would throw bombs and say it was us. Mobil called me to come back to my job, but I refused. They bombed my house, but luckily, my wife and children had been evacuated. I would not want to reveal how they were evacuated because there was a diplomatic involvement. They told me that my life and those of my family were in clear danger.

Suddenly, they announced that I was wanted again. They alleged that I was going to bomb the NNPC depot at Ejigbo. Ah! I was still being tried for treason, which carries a sentence of life imprisonment, and I was again accused of trying to bomb an NNPC depot. I couldn’t go back because my photograph was all over the place that I was wanted. A diplomatic source advised me that I should leave the country if I wanted to continue the struggle. Dan Suleiman, Alani Akinrinade were in danger. We asked Bolaji Akinyemi to leave the country and promote the struggle at the international level.

Q: That was the National Democratic Coalition then…

Q: Yes. I was at the forefront of the struggle at that level. When I went to see my uncle, K.O Tinubu, at home, he shed tears that night. He said he didn’t want to lose me and that I was about to be killed. He begged me to leave Nigeria and affirmed that, being a former police officer, he was sure I would be killed.

He said that I couldn’t return to my house since they had bombed it. I went to a friend’s house. Before then, there was an incident that made them believe that I was at Ore Falomo’s hospital. They went to the hospital to look for me. Eventually, I left Nigeria for Benin Republic by NADECO route.

Q: How did you make it across the border?

Q: I disguised with a huge turban and babanriga and escaped into Benin Republic on a motorbike. My old Hausa friend gave the clothes to me. In fact, when I appeared to Kudirat Abiola, she didn’t know that I was the one! I gave her some information and some briefing. I left at 1 a.m. While in Benin Republic, I was still coming to Badagry to ferry people, organise and coordinate the struggle with others on ground. We put a group together, ferrying NADECO people across. It was a very challenging time. I can’t forget people like Segun Maiyegun and other young guys in the struggle. I would come from Benin to hold meetings with them and sneak back. The military created a whole lot of momentum around me. They took over my house, guest house and carted away all my vehicles and property to Alagbon. That is why today, I don’t have old photographs. They took eight of my cars away.

My wife and my two toddlers were dropped in a bush; nowhere to go. Beko and the diplomatic missions came to our aid and ferried my wife and kids to the United States. I was still in Benin Republic. Besides, I didn’t have a passport and couldn’t have been able to travel. At a stage, they discovered our routes, because they had spies all over, including Benin Republic. Twice I was caught and I fortuitously escaped. They traced me to one dingy hotel I was hiding.

The day they came for me at the hotel, I had gone out on an Okada to buy amala at a market, where Yorubas are dominant. I was also to meet Akinrinade and the rest of them. The spies went to the hotel and as I was approaching, I saw two people wearing tajia (skull caps) at the front desk, asking questions. The man attending to them at the reception (I had been very nice to the receptionist) winked to me and I turned back. I contacted a friend in Benin Republic, who was an architect, and had very strong sympathy for us. Professor Wole Soyinka and Alani Akinrinade, who lodged in a better hotel, were fortunate to have escaped that night, too. The people on their trail pursued them to the hotel, but fortunately missed them.

Then the British High Commission got proper information through the Consular-General that my life was in danger. He stamped a visa on a sheet of paper and did a letter, authorising the airline to pick me from Benin Republic to any port of entry in Britain. I didn’t know how they got to me. A lady just walked up to me and handed me an envelope. She said I had been granted an entry into the United Kingdom. She said I could be killed if I failed to leave in the next 48 hours. It was Air Afrique that took me from Benin Republic to London. Meanwhile, my wife was still in the United States. I landed in Britain and worked my way back to Benin Republic. I picked up my passport from somewhere. I went to an African country and through their connections, they gave me a diplomatic passport as a cultural ambassador.

Q: What country was that?

A: No, please! The African country that helped us with the diplomatic passport was showing gratitude for the help Abiola had done to its president before. So, you can make your deduction. Then, I was shuffling and coordinating our activities in the UK, Benin Republic and Cote d’Ivoire. I used the passport to travel to Cote d’Ivoire to hold meetings at the Hotel Continental, because we were planning to make another broadcast that would be aired in Nigeria. By the time I returned to the hotel, the military assailants had broken into my hotel room and taken away my briefcase and diplomatic passport. They dropped a note, saying: ‘You cannot be twice lucky.’ I was taken over by panic. Fortunately, in my back pocket, I had the photocopy of the sheet of paper on which the British had stamped a visa for me to travel out of Benin previously. I took that to the British High Commission in Abidjan. They listened to my story and asked me to come back at night. They did all their verification and found my story to be true. I returned to them and they gave me another sheet of paper and wrote the number of the flight that would take me out of that country.

But I had no money. Somebody suddenly drove in. The person is a well-known name I don’t want to mention. I met him and explained my condition. He had a traveller’s cheque, but the money was not enough. I went back to the British High Commission and the woman said she could assist me with her own personal money to bridge the shortfall in cash.

We founded and coordinated Radio Kudirat and Radio Freedom and we continued to organise. I didn’t see my family for two good years. They were in America. Bayo Onanuga, who also was part of the struggle, joined us there in December 1997. The law of political asylum stipulates that your first country of landing and acceptance is the safe haven, so it’s not transferable. That was how Cornelius Adebayo was stuck in a United Nations camp. My wife had to invoke a family clause that exists in America to fight for her husband to join her before they granted me a special privilege to leave UK to join my family in the United States.

Q: Where were you on 8 June 1998 when Abacha died?

A: I was shuttling between the United States and UK. We were working really hard as NADECO. We went to our NADECO meeting in the UK to finalise the second leg of the strategy to make a broadcast and enforce certain actions. Before then I was reading Jubril Aminu’s interview in The Punch, where he said Nigerians should not worry about Abacha’s transmutation into a civilian president; but they should be worried about what followed. We were persuaded during a brainstorming session that we should get nearer to Nigeria to do something about it. It was agreed that we should stop him, even if we would have to start guerrilla warfare to achieve that.

Tunde Olowu had been with me in my flat for a couple of weeks and on the night Abacha died, we were just eating when a phone call came through that Abacha had died. We could not believe it until we saw on TV his body being taken out in a van. And that changed the texture of the struggle. Suddenly, there was this news, announcing General Abdulsalami Abubakar as the head of state. We started analysing General Abubakar.

I wish to state that out of all the military generals I met through Abiola while he was lobbying for the restoration of his mandate, Abubakar was the most sincere and straightforward. He pointedly told Abiola that no military officer would want to help him to realise his mandate, unless the military general wanted to get himself into trouble. While other generals we had met lied, Abdusalami was different. He simply said: ‘Look, I am a professional soldier and I want to retire a general. I don’t want to be involved in politics. I cannot help you. I don’t want to be involved.’

When we heard that he was the head of state, I challenged the rest of us to interrogate Abubakar’s sincerity. Good enough, he was straight-forward. When we met him, he told us that he wasn’t going to spend more than nine months because he was not interested. He promised he was going to pardon us and urged us to return to the country. That was the situation of things before the death of Abiola.

So, we were coordinating with Abraham Adesanya and the rest of them, who were on ground here. They sought and we granted them our permission to meet with and size up Abubakar. So, they honoured his invitation. He sent people to us and there was a strong debate, which nearly divided the group, whether or not we should return. The suspicion around Abubakar arose because of the manner of people they saw around him, including Major Hamza al-Mustapha. Some people within our group felt that we should evaluate the situation carefully and not look at isolated occurrences. A big debate ensued after his announcement that he had granted pardon to those of us who had been declared wanted. There were a lot of intervening incidents that I cannot publicly discuss.

Q: When you returned from exile, how did the idea of Lagos governorship arise?

A: Myself, Beko, Fasehun and others met. The death of Abiola was quite devastating for us and we debated whether or not to return. We also examined whether or not there was a conspiracy surrounding Abiola’s death. There were so many questions being asked at the same time. The previous elections contested by Abacha’s five political parties got me seriously worried. After giving it serious thought, we decided that we were not going to declare war against our people, but that we should believe Abubukar by returning home to participate. At a meeting presided over by Enahoro, I told them that I would want to return to my mother because I missed her badly. He said no one could stop me if that was the case. The military, in my absence, broke her soak-away, believing that I kept guns there; carted away the generating set and cut our land (telephone) line.

I came home with three pairs of trousers and three jackets. But because I gave her notice and some other people noticed that I was arriving, unknown to me, they had mobilised people to welcome me. I was shocked at the huge crowd when I got to the airport. I was carried shoulder-high. That was the day I was totally convinced that Nigerians could be very honest, if they care about you. Because as they carried me, my ticket, passport and 2,000 pounds sterling fell from my inner jacket. I didn’t know they had fallen off because I was carried away by the euphoria of the crowd. I didn’t know how they got to Sunday Adigun. At night, they told me someone was looking for me, but because the people around me didn’t believe that danger had finally cleared, they prevented the person. But he insisted that he would not give it to anybody and showed them my passport. So they allowed him and he handed everything to me.

Meanwhile, I had no Victoria Island home to return to. It had been taken over by Abacha. They dispossessed me of the house, as well as my office on Saka Tinubu Street. My vehicles and everything else I owned. They claimed they found bombs in it and dispossessed me of it. I was totally cleaned out. I had only five shirts, the 2000 pounds and the jackets. Before then, Akinyelure came to America, looking for me, with one briefcase. He was detained for four hours by the immigration because they were wondering how someone could come to America with one briefcase. They didn’t let him off until they contacted Mobil and Mobil confirmed him as an ex-employee. He didn’t get to my house till about 3 O’clock. He told me I had to come to Nigeria even if I wouldn’t participate. But he said I should participate. I got back home and each time I moved out, people would shout ‘Governor’.

The day I went to our group’s meeting, they were to decide who to endorse among Wahab Dosunmu, Shitta-Bey and others. They asked me if I was interested and I asked them to give me two weeks to go round since I was just returning. Alhaji Hamzat was there. The chairman at our group’s meeting on that day said they would grant me the two weeks. So I started moving round. My late sister got me some clothes to wear, whether they fitted me or not. I went to Mushin, Agege and other places and people were hailing me as ‘Governor’ and urging me to run. On my first tour of my senatorial district, people were saying governor. Even people who had gone to another party started coming back into the Alliance for Democracy, AD, and that was how I decided I would run. People in Lagos West, East and Central said: ‘You must run for governorship.’

Q: You spent eight years in government, what will you consider your best legacy?

A: My best legacy is the financial engineering of Lagos State, especially to bring financial autonomy to Lagos State and eliminate wastage and mismanagement. That was just one aspect of it. My greatest legacy is Governor Babatunde Fashola. I identified and endorsed him. That was when my corporate background as a recruiter and talent seeker for Deloitte came to play. Part of the training when you go on operational audit is that the first thing you evaluate are the personnel and the questionnaire given to them and how they answer it. You look at the ability of individuals to really take and develop others. There is nothing unique about any leadership. Everybody can come up with different ideas. You can take different routes and arrive at the same answer. No matter how much steel and metal you put together, the greatest achievement and legacy is the ability to develop other leaders who can succeed you, otherwise your legacy will be in shambles. It was a very difficult and challenging period for me. I thank God I stuck to my guns.

Q: You waged several battles against Obasanjo on issues like fiscal federalism, seizure of local council funds etc. Which of these wars did you consider the hottest?

A: If I have to rank them, I think the creation of the local governments was my favourite because the processes are clearly stated and well articulated in the constitution. And if you do all of that and comply with the constitutional requirements, then you should not be denied. I believe in true federalism. I believe in local government administration, which I think is a service centre for the state. The constitution is clear. It is a misnomer to even think that there are three tiers of government in a federal system of government. There are only two – the state and the federal. It is because the constitution was put together by a group of military people, who believe in command and control that we have this kind of anomaly.

They tinkered with it and they tailored it in a way that would suit a unitary system and I believe that was the problem. We still don’t have a constitution of ‘we the people’. The battle was not personally directed at Obasanjo.

Q: Let’s move to matters personal. How did you meet your wife?

Through a dating agency! On a serious note, it was through a family connection.

Q: How many hearts did you break?

A: I don’t know, because I don’t look back and I am not a psychologist or medical expert to test for broken hearts and emotional instability. You pray for luck. Sincerely, you don’t know whether my own heart was broken, too. I am a very lucky person and it was through family connection that I met my wife. It is true that I had many dates. Until I met her, I didn’t even want to be married because I loved my freedom. I had also been disappointed along the line, my expectations dashed. I was going to be totally free before I met Remi. She was innocent, homely and very quiet. I was surprised by her manners and I was hooked.

I was a DJ to my friends. I love music and my house was a boys’ rendezvous. Remi used to cook for all of us. She is the best woman I ever met and fully endorsed by all my friends. They were very close. My friends said: ‘Bola, you now have a woman and you have to settle down.’

I was a successful corporate person. She is totally urbane and seriously committed to my professionalism and career. I met somebody who enhanced the value of my life.

Q: Who was your favourite musician then, and now?

A: I was interested in music. I enjoy music, from the days of James Brown. I told you I followed Roy Chicago to Ado-Ekiti, without knowing. I was just lucky. God just made me a professional because I could have ended up with the late Dr. Sikiru Ayinde Barrister! We used to follow him about for were during the Ramadan, to the extent that I would be locked out. Whenever there was competition around Lagos Island or anywhere, we were always there. There was always the possibility of violence because of the competition.

But when I was an in-house DJ, not commercial DJ. Teddy Pendergrass was my favourite and I kept myself updated on the music scene in America. You don’t have music now. You now have O foka sibe, O gbona feli feli. I love listening to jazz a lot.

Q: What is your favourite food?

Q: Amala and ewedu. But to be honest with you, I love rice. Rice first, amala second. I don’t like eba that much. In any form at all, I can eat rice three times a day.

Q: People say Asiwaju is the richest Yoruba man.

How rich are you?
If you are talking in monetary terms, it is a lie. But I want them to continue to believe that I am rich. The fact is that I cannot prepare for my death. I want to live long and I believe in people and I believe in sharing. So, whatever you ascribe to me in terms of wealth is your own imagination. I will not do two cheques – one to the Central Bank of Heaven and the other one to the Central Bank of Hell – cashable when I am dead. The money will remain here. I don’t want to be greedy, but frugal with the little I have and be contented. There are certain things they can’t dispute and one of these is that I wasn’t a poor man when I joined politics. I financed the struggle during the NADECO days. Before the NADECO days, I financed political goals and aspirations. I financed political groups and individuals.

No matter how you dream, it is empty without financial success. If you have no concrete financial progress for a state or an entity, it will not endure. I have not taken Lagos to bankruptcy. It was bankrupt before I took over, I turned it into a success within my two-terms as governor. It had existed for so long before I became governor.

During my tenure, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Lagos as an urban jungle and uninhabitable. But he chose to celebrate his 75th birthday in Lagos! There was a dispute on the Bar Beach during my tenure, but if I didn’t rigidly follow my vision and my belief in Lagos State, Victoria Island would have been submerged.

WHEN OBAS HAD TO GO ON EXILE

The thrilling account of Oba Adeyemi, deposed after his words saw a man bark till he died and Olateru Olagbegi, the Oba with over 120 university graduates as his children. In Yoruba land, the Oba is an unquestionable monarch. He is not primus inter parels(first among equals),he is revered and widely known as being second only to the gods- “Igbakeji Orisa”. But despite this near infallible status, an Oba can be dethroned, deposed or sent on exile. In modern political terminology, an Oba can be impeached, either by conduct, intrigues, power play, rebellions or governmental intervention.

OBA OF LAGOS FALLS FIRST VICTIM The gale of exiles, started with Oba Akitoye in Lagos. He ascended the throne as Oba of Lagos in 1841 and tried to ban slave trading. Local merchants, who were prominent slave traders, opposed the move and Oba Akitoye was eventually deposed and sent to exile. Akitoye was eventually succeeded by his brother, Kosoko, as Oba of Lagos. At exile in Great Britain, Akitoye met with British authorities and some anti-slave traders who had banned slave trading in 1807. The British authorities, resolved to assist Akitoye, back to the stool as Oba of Lagos in 1851. Oba Kosoko was immediately deposed and sent on exile to Badagry and later Epe, where he also founded kingdoms. This British involvement and meddlesomeness in the affairs of the throne of Lagos, in practical terms, finally established British influence on the throne Of Lagos and this authority became absolute, when Lagos or “Eko” was later annexed 10 years later in 1861 as a territory of British colony. Shortly after the British annexation of Lagos, their next point of call was Benin kingdom. Benin, before the expedition was a very prosperous kingdom, noted for its rich resources in palm oil, rubber and ivory and was largely independent of British control. Ovonramwen Nogbaisi, was Oba of Benin in 1888, until the British punitive expedition of 1897, which forced him out of the throne. He was sent on exile to Calabar with his two wives and died in exile in 1914.

FELA’S MOTHER LEADS CAMPAIGN AGAINST ALAKE OF EGBA LAND The Alake of Egba land is the paramount ruler of the Egbas, comprising of Egba Alake, the Owu kingdom ,Oke Ona and Gbagura. Oba Oladapo Samuel Ademola II, ascended the throne of the Alake of Egba land in 1920 after the demise of Oba Gbadebo I, on the 28th May 1920. Oba Oladapo Samuel Ademola 11, was an educated Oba, with a deep sense of business acumen. His son, Justice Adetokunbo Ademola became indigenous Chief Justice of Nigeria in 1960. Oba Oladapo Samuel Ademola II, ruled for 42 years, but he was on exile for two years, between 1948 to December 1950, as a result of a protest against native authorities, especially against the Alake of Egba land, by the Women’s Union, led by Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome Kuti (the mother of Afro beat Legend, Fela Anikulapo Kuti) ably supported by Eniola Soyinka-her sister-in law and mother of the Nobel Laureate-Wole Soyinka .This organization with a membership of over 20000 women campaigned vigorously against taxes and price control. The Abeokuta Women’s Union was a well orgarnised and disciplined organization. The Egba women’s refusal to pay abnormal tax, combined with enormous protests, orgarnised under the guise of picnics and festivals, was a guise to beat the security of the British colonizers, who teamed up with the local lackeys, to subdue the women. At one protest, the “Oro” stick was brought out- a symbolic artifact of the secretive male cult of the Ogbonis, supposedly imbibed with great powers, and the women were instructed to go home, before evil spirits overcame them. When the women shrank back in fear, Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, grabbed the stick, waved it around, that women now had the power before taking it with her, displaying it prominently in her home. This action gave her, a reputation of fearlessness and courage, which led 20,000 women to follow her to the home of Alake of Egba land (Alake Ademola). As the women protested outside the King’s Palace, they sang in Yoruba; “Alake, for a long time you have used your penis as mark of authority that you are our husband, today we shall reverse the order and use our vagina to play the role of husband”. With this unified action and song, they chased him out of the Palace, condemning him to exile on the threat of castration and this resulted in the king’s abdication. Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome Kuti was a teacher, a political campaigner, women’s rights activist and traditional aristocrat, who was described by the West African Pilot Newspaper as the “Lioness of Lisabi”. She was the first woman in Nigeria to ride a car. Later in life, Funmilayo Ransome Kuti was sadly thrown out, from an upstair (2nd floor precisely), when a battalion soldiers invaded Fela Anikulapo Kalakuta Republic in 1978. She died as a result of injury sustained on 13th April, 1978. She was married to Rev. Israel Oludotun Kuti and she begat four children- Olikoye- a Professor of Medicine and former Minister of Health, Dolapo, Fela- a musical icon and legend and Bekola- a medical doctor and human rights activist and also many grandchildren- Brig-Gen. Enitan Ransome Kuti- a recently convicted and reprieved military officer, Frances Kuboye- a dental surgeon and jazz exponent, Femi and Seun Kuti- Afrobeat musical exponents. Her coffin was sent to Dodan Barracks in Lagos- General Olusegun Obasanjo’s residence as Head of State, together with a newly written song- “Coffin for a Head of State- They kill my mama, 78 years old mama, influential mama, political mama…” Alaafin of Oyo accompanies Oba Ademola to exile Oba Oladapo Ademola II, was sent to exile in Oshogbo, where he lived for two years, before he was recalled back to the throne. It is interesting to note, that Oba Oladapo Ademola II, was accompanied to exile by the current Alaafin of Oyo , Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, who was then living with Oba Oladapo Ademola II. Oba Lamidi Adeyemi’s father, Adeniran Adeyemi II, who was the Alaafin of Oyo for 10 years- 1945 to 1955, had seen in the young Lamidi Olayiwola, a future Alaafin and had nurtured him along the paths of royalty. He had trained him as an Islamic cleric in Iseyin, he had lived under the tutelage of Pa Olatoregun- an Anglican school teacher and disciplinarian, in Oyo, all in an effort for young Lamidi, to learn the rope of traditional kingship, statesmanship and dignifying royalty. Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, in the quest of this preparation for Royalty, was at an early age, sent to Abeokuta to live with Oba Adedapo Ademola and had some part of his early education in Ake Palace Elementary School and he is today still fluent in Egba dialect. Oba Lamidi Olayiwola, at a later date in his adolescence, also lived with a Lagos Aristocrat-his father’s friend-Sir Kofo Abayomi and his wife, Lady Oyinkan Abayomi. He also attended St Gregory’s College, Lagos- a Catholic School. Perhaps, this early preparation for royalty, has no doubt made Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, a quintessential monarch, not only with wit, but also with class, candour, panache and indeed, a deep sense of wisdom. Amongst Oba Adeniran’s children, Lamidi Adeyemi was his favourite. He had seen at birth, the lacerations on his left breast and the spots on his leg, at the same spot on Lamidi Olayiwola, as tell tale signs of future royalty.

ADETOYESE LAOYE RETURNS AS TIMI OF EDE AFTER FLEEING TO LAGOS Oba John Adetoyese Laoye born on the 21st of February 1899. He was Timi of Ede, between 1946 and May 1975. On 23rd of January 1946, the stool of the Timi of Ede became vacant, as a result of the passage of Timi Oyebamiji Akangbe. The stool was fiercely contested by Prince Memudu Lagunju, who had also previously contested the stool with Timi Sanusi Akangbe In 1933. Adetoyese and 32 other contestants, vied for the vacant stool for about 11 months and he was eventually crowned on the 9th of December 1946. Despite Adetoyese’s victory, his arch rival-Prince Memudu Lagunju fiercely fought for the throne through a protracted litigation. Memudu Lagunju, won at the lower court and Adetoyese was on the 8th of January 1948 asked to abdicate the throne and was on exile in Lagos until 1952, when the West African Court of Appeal (WACA) dismissed Memudu Lagunju’s case and recorded its verdict in John Adetoyese Laoye’s favour, in a verdict which was later upheld by the Privy Council, England.

BETWEEN BODE THOMAS AND OBA ADENIRAN ADEYEMI: WHEN A MAN BARKS TO DEATH Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II, was Alaafin of Oyo, between 1945 and 1954, until he was forced into exile by the Action Group led government of the Western region, as a result of the death of the Deputy leader of the Action Group, Chief Bode Thomas and also for having sympathy, for the rival NCNC of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. Chief Bode Thomas (1918-1953) became the deputy leader of the Action Group, he later formed Nigeria’s first indigenous law firm called- Thomas, Willams, Kayode and co. i.e. the trio of Bode Thomas, Chief Rotimi Williams and Chief Remilekun Fani Kayode. Bode was a brilliant lawyer, but also very haughty and arrogant. He was made the Divisional Council Chairman in 1953, while the Alaafin of Oyo was a mere member. On his first appearance in council, after being appointed chairman, all the council members stood up for him in deference, to welcome him except Oba Adeyemi II, who for cultural reasons, could not show deference to anyone in public. Bode Thomas rudely shouted at the king, for having the temerity and audacity to disrespect him. “Why are you sitting when I walked in, you don’t know how to show respect?”At that time, Bode Thomas was 35 years old and Oba Adeniran was in his 60’s. The Alaafin felt very insulted and nonplussed; he said “se emi lon gbomo baun?” (Is it me you are barking at like that?). Oba Adeniran just told him “Ma gbo lo baun” (continue barking).Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II, was father of the incumbent Alaafin, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III. The confrontation happened on November 22nd 1953. Bode Thomas got home and started barking! He barked and barked like a dog all night until he died in the early morning of November 23rd 1953. He cut short his promising career. Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II, was thereafter deposed and sent on exile in 1954 for sympathizing with opposition NCNC, because he had come in conflict with Bode Thomas who was Deputy Leader of the Action Group, before his untimely death. In fact at a session in the parliament, Sardauna Ahmadu Bello had described Thomas as “Arrogant and ungracious”. Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II, was sent on exile to Ilesha and later relocated to Egerton Street on Lagos Island where he lived and died in 1960. His death truncated the ambition of Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi, to proceed to the United Kingdom to study law. He later became an Insurance Executive with the Royal Exchange Assurance, where he worked until he ascended the throne of his forefathers, as the Alaafin of Oyo in 1971.

OLATERU OLAGBEGI, FALLS VICTIM OF AWOLOWO/AKINTOLA FEUD, BOUNCES BACK AFTER 25 YEARS Sir Olateru Olagbegi II, (Olowo of Owo) August 1910- 1998, was appointed the Olowo, in the ancient city of Owo in 1941 and ruled for 25 years before he was deposed. His dethronement from power and exile, was as a result of the fall out of the Western Regional crisis which fractionalized the Action Group into- Awolowo and Akintola camps in 1962 as a fall out of the Action Group Conference of February 1962 in Jos. Members of the Akintola group, were virtually expelled from the party. The Action Group, which was launched in Olagbegi’s palace in 1951, was led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. A battle of wits, between the two gladiators- Akintola and Awolowo, saw Oba Olateru pitching his tent with Akintola. Another prominent Owo citizen and acolyte of Oba Olateru Olagbegi, pitched his tent with the Awolowo group. Michael Adekunle Ajasin and Olateru Olagbegi were initial colleagues, friends, soul mates and pathfinders in the growth and development of the ancient city of Owo. Michael Ajasin was born 28th November, 1908. He was a teacher and school headmaster for sometime in Sapele, present day Delta State, before he was admitted to Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone in 1943, where he obtained a Bachelors Degree in History and Economics in 1946. After successful completion of his university degree, he went to London where he obtained a Post Graduate Diploma in Education 1947. Olateru Olagbegi was instrumental to the community scholarship granted Michael Ajasin to pursue his educational feat. On 12th September 1947, Ajasin was appointed Principal of Imade College, founded by his friend, Oba Olateru Olagbegi and was Principal till December 1962, when he left to become founder, Proprietor and Principal of Owo High School, from 1963- 1975. As Principal of Imade College, Michael Ajasin was still very active and prominent in the community politics of Owo and the Regional and National politics of Western Region and Nigeria respectively. Through the support and encouragement of his friend, the Olowo Olagbegi, he was elected, Member of the Federal House of Representatives, representing Owo Federal Constituency, between August 1954 and 1966, when the military overthrew the civilian government of the first republic. Olagbegi and Ajasin, as a result of the political feud, became sworn enemies. Olagbegi was a prominent member and leader of Akintola’s NNDP (Demo) and Minister without portfolio, whilst Ajasin was a Federal Legislator. The Military putsch of January 1966, encouraged the Owo Community to organize persistent revolts, riots, against Oba Olateru Olagbegi and this forced the Adekunle Fajuyi government to suspend him from the throne in June 1966. Olateru’s attempt, to return to the throne of Olowo on the 8th February 1968, was fiercely resisted by the Owo community. About 60 houses were burnt and 40 houses damaged. The military government of Gen. Adeyinka Adebayo had no choice, than to depose Olateru Olagbegi, that day and send him on exile to Okitipupa. Less than a month after, Oba Adekola Ogunoye ably supported by Adekunle Ajasin, emerged the new Olowo of Owo. Olagbegi’s effort in 1977, to reclaim the stool, when Ondo State was created, out of Western State, was also fiercely resisted by his protagonists. The military government of Wing Commander Ita David Ikpeme set up a Commission of Inquiry, known as Ondo Chieftaincy Review Commission, headed by Justice Adeyinka Morgan, to undertake review of Chieftaincy Laws of Ondo State. Other members of the commission were-Dr. Femi Anjorin- Department of History, University of Ife, Chief J.O. Akindolire from Ile-Oluji and Bode Kumapayi- Permanent Secretary in the Civil Service of the State. The commission could not conclude its assignment, due to the ill health of the chairman- Justice Adeyinka Morgan. Olowo Adekola Ogunoye (described as a man of supernatural and magical powers) died on 22nd March, 1993 and was buried 1st April, 1993. In 1993, Sir Olateru Olagbegi was reappointed to his title of Olowo of Owo, after the death of the reigning monarch, by the Civilian government of Michael Bamidele Olomilua. Oba Olagbegi was father to over 140 children, of which over 121 are university graduates. He was a business colossus and lover of lawn tennis. Olateru Olagbegi died in October 1998 and the crown passed to his son, Oba Folagbade Olagbegi III, a lawyer and former Special Adviser to Dr Alex Ekwueme, as Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and later as Director General of the Nigerian Law School. The phoenix of factional vendetta, between Olateru and Ajasin polarized the Owo community for over 3 decades.

OBA GOES ON EXILE FOR BEATING HIS WIFE IN THE PUBLIC In recent time, a Deji of Akure was deposed and sent on exile for committing a Royal suicide, by beating his wife in public. Oba Oluwadare Adepoju Adesina was Deji of Akure, until deposed by the Ondo State Government in June 2010, for beating his wife-Olori Bolanle Adepoju Adesina. After pouring an unknown substance on her skin, the deposed Oba, ordered his guards to whip her. The kingmakers of Akure, subsequently declared Deji Adepoju Adesina, unworthy of the throne and his seat, was declared vacant by the kingmakers. The unguarded act was viewed as complete desecration of the Royal Stool of the Deji of Akure. He was subsequently succeeded by Deji Adebiyi Adegboye Adesida-Afunbiowu III. He reigned between 13th August, 2010 until his death on 30th November, 2013. On the 8th July, 2015, Oba Aladetoyinbo Ogunlade Aladewusi- Odundun II, formally ascended the throne as the 47th Deji of Akure. He was crowned alongside the Regent to be- his first daughter, Princess Adesina Aladelusi as it is customary of the Dejis. The all time essence of power, whether traditional, constitutional or spiritual, is its transient and ephemeral nature. Like all mortals, an oba dies and is equally capable of the follies and foibles of lesser mortals. Power, a great aphrodisiac, should be used to dignify humanity.
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SOME STRIKING FACTS YOU MAY NOT HAVE COME ACROSS:

1. There is a town in Jamaica called ABEOKUTA. It was founded by former slaves from present-day Ogun State who were brought to a plantation in that part of Jamaica.

2· The letter 'i' that Apple use (in their products iPhone, iPad, iMac, iPod) stands for "Interactive".

3· Edward James Roye, the fifth president of Liberia, was of Igbo descent.

4· President Robert Mugabe is Africa’s oldest Head of State and the world’s second oldest Head of State. He was born in 1924.

5· The name"Nigeria" was coined by Flora Shaw, the wife of Lord Lugard, Nigeria's Governor-General from 1914 to 1919.

6· There is a high school in Kingston, Jamaica named CALABAR High School, the capital of Cross River State.

7· Queen Elizabeth II is the only person who travels to any country without visa.

8· Ebun House, located at 85 Odunfa Street, was the first three-story building built in Lagos. It was constructed in 1914.

9· The city of Port Harcourt (capital of Rivers State) was named after Lewis Vernon Harcourt in 1913 by Frederick Lugard. It was originally known as Iguocha.

10· There are 3 things the Human Brain cannot resist noticing –Food, Attractive People and Danger.

11· The CMS Grammar School in Lagos, Nigeria is the oldest secondary school in Nigeria. It was founded on June 6, 1859.

12· The first book written in the Igbo language (Isoama-Ibo :A Primer) was by Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the renowned Yoruba/Creole bishop?

13· Gatwick Airport in London, which is not that far from Heathrow Airport also in London, England is owned by Nigerian businessman Adebayo Ogunlesi.

14· The Naira, Nigeria’s currency, was named by Obafemi Awolowo.

15· Nigerian staple food cassava was brought to West Africa from Brazil by the Portuguese.

16. The Official Residence of the President of Barbados, a Caribbean country, very close to Jamaica and Bahamas and Jamaica, is called Oronna Court. The name Oronna was used by two Barbadorian Citizens close to a decade in tracing their origin to Ilaro in Ogun state. One was named Odewale and the other was named Aramide Oronna( the German Shepherd man) was one of the heroes/founders of Ilaro town alongside Iya Ala. Oronna is just like the likes of Lisabi and Shodeken in Egbaland.

Surprised? Dig more!

Our youths must know these facts. Please see if it's worth sharing

THIS IS JAGABAN BY AYEKOOTO AKINDELE

Many people don't know Jagaban. I have been following him since 1993. His activities in politics has been;

A inner caucus of Shehu Yaradua Group.

If Abiola and Yaradua had contested the SDP Primaries in Jos, Jagaban would have voted for Yaradua.

But Yaradua was disqualified by IBB. So Yaradua presented his stooge Atiku. Jagaban opted for MKO.

MKO won and Yaradua decided to work against June 12. Abiola didn't just leave Yaradua, he warned him before he left his group. He told him "don't do it, you'll regret fighting against the truth. I supported you against Falae, so also the SW. Work for June 12".....but Yaradua mind was made.

He ditched MKO and worked with IBB to bring Interim Government . That was the end of the relationship between him and Jagaban.

Jagaban stood with MKO, rejected Abacha ministerial offers. Went on exile and became a key figure of NADECO which he joined others to form.

On his return after Abacha died, he was supporting IGE as President but Falae won the AD Primary and he supported him.

He left AD when it was hijacked by the PDP using Akinfenwa as spoiler.

He formed AC. Invited Atiku who was his friend in Yaradua Group. He thought Atiku was being genuinely victimised. His love for justice endeared him back to Atiku but Atiku proofed him wrong. Ambition not injustice was driving Atiku. Atiku left AC and went back to PDP.

Then ACN which has the greatest spread and structures during merger. He relinquished it as sacrifice for Nigeria. So that she will not die in the hand of PDP.

He would have preferred others to Buhari if what he wanted is money but he went for the best candidate of all just as he always do in Lagos! He prevented the primary from being manipulated. Ensured that it was free and fair!!!!! If any other candidate had emerged apart from Buhari, Jagaban would have supported him win or lose!

He went for Oyegun instead of Ikimi. I hope you can all see he took the right step?

And the VP slot given to him, he gave to Osinbajo even though his wife too is a Christian, a Pastor in RCCG! Afterall, a Yobe Senate senator whose wife was also in the HoR presented same wife for ministerial position. Imagine if that senator had the choice like Jagaban?

And the Senate, he wanted Akume or anyone who will not be blinded with corruption and selfishness....someone who will work with the president and APC agenda. When the president wanted Lawan, he also queued behind the president!

He pushed the party to conduct primary between Senate President aspirants.

Had Saraki won, he would have supported him. But he lost. Saraki failed to support the winner and went back to his PDP to form unholy alliance against his party.

Tinubu would still have supported him if the election that produced him did not exclude 95% APC Senators or forged the rules. But while Tinubu and others were looking for a united front for the APC, Saraki and Co had allegedly forged the rule and joined with the PDP to produce the first Senate President through a Coup!!!! From then, the APC had become opposition in the Senate.

Hear this, Jagaban would have congratulated Saraki had he won freely the way Akeredolu won on Saturday. But that was not what happened.

Saraki was the Abacha Tinubu fought 2 decades ago. Saraki is an impostor! Jagaban is not a follower of deception. He is plain and always guided by democratic ideals.

History will not speak Ill of Indomitable Jagaban.

Our One and Only Stickler to the rules of decent democratic ideals. He is a formidable force of conscience. A lone ranger in the wilderness of common sense.

My Hero, Ahmed Bola Tinubu!
By Ayekooto Akindele

ANI THE SLAVE GIRL PART 2

ANI THE SLAVE GIRL